By: Pedro Caldeira Rodrigues
The re-establishment of multi-ethnicity and the success of the
privatization process are the two great challenges facing
Bosnia-Herzegovina.Wolfgang Petritsch, the International Community's High
Representative for civilian implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement,
considers that the peace process is irreversible. He advocates the
imprisonment of all those accused of war crimes, essential if
reconciliation is ever going to be possible.
Mr Petritsch, the 52-year-old former collaborator of
Social-Democratic Chancellor, Bruno Kreisky, was the Austrian Ambassador
in Yugoslavia from 1997 to 1998. He was the Special Envoy of the European
Union to Kosovo at the height of the conflict, representing the 15 at the
Rambouillet and Paris Conferences - the failures of which justified the
NATO bombing of Yugoslavia.
He has been in Sarajevo since August 1999, and is considered one of
the European statesmen most familiar with the complex Balkan issue. On a
visit to Lisbon, at the invitation of the Portuguese Presidency of the EU,
he met with official leaders and took part in the preparations for the Peace
Implementation Council (PIC) for Bosnia and Herzegovina, scheduled to take
place on the 23rd and 24th of this month in Brussels, at the level of
Ministers of Foreign Affairs.
PÚBLICO- How is it that in the recent municipal elections in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, in which the Muslim Nationalists were defeated, the Serbian
Nationalists and even the radical Bosnian Croats gained strength?
WOLFGANG PETRITSCH- These were elections in which, for the first time,
cracks in the wall of nationalism have become visible. In the case of the
Federation, a moderate, multi-ethnic Croat-Muslim party has gained ground
at the expense of the main nationalist party, the SDA. This is what the
international community is aiming for, a moving away away from ethnic
parties, in favor of modern, European ones, like those in Western Europe.
Even in the Croatian regions of the Federation, the rate of participation
is falling dramatically, somewhere down around 40%. The HDZ [nationalist]
remains the strongest, but we're expecting to see some "cracks" here, as
well.
PÚBLICO - The situation in the Republika Srpska [RS - the Serb entity of
BiH] is more complex.
WOLFGANG PETRITSCH - It's more complicated, due to the simple fact that
the first two years of the peace process have been practically lost. This
is the result of obstruction by people like Momcilo Krajisnik, who has now
been arrested for alleged war crimes. But some new parties have made
progress, and even the pro-Western party of Milorad Dodik has also made
progress. This means that the international community is on the right
path, that our efforts are paying off, albeit slowly. This is what
happens when you try to change things by the democratic process.
PÚBLICO - In the RS, Thiomir Gligoric, of the RS Socialist Party, and
considered to be very close toYugoslav President Slobodan, was proposed by
the Bosnian Serbs to preside over the central government. Is Belgrade's
influence gaining strength in the RS?
WOLFGANG PETRITSCH- The candidate for the post of Prime Minister is still
under discussion. Clearly, the international community can not be
satisfied with a candidate who, in the past, has been uncooperative. So,
it's true, Mr. Milosevic has a certain influence, which can only be
negative. He can hamper the peace process, but he can't stop it. It's
more or less a question of time - you can see immediate progress in the RS
when there are changes in Belgrade. And the local Serbian population
understands better and better that their future is linked to democratic
progress in western Europe.
The question of privatization
PÚBLICO - The weakness of privatization, the very serious economic
problems that persist in BiH, the control by the local political elite
over the process of economic transition are other questions that remain
unresolved. What's the solution?
WOLFGANG PETRITSCH- I think that, as in any country in transition in
eastern Europe, the privatization process has always been a problem, never
having gone perfectly, and the same applies to BiH. But we are making
great efforts to organize the privatization process in such a way as to
make it more transparent and objective. This is one of the big issues for
the PIC meetings. We are concentrating on economic reform - and we know
that privatization is pivotal to this reform. Attracting foreign
investment is the only way to make BiH self-sufficient and successful.
This is the main question.
PÚBLICO - With regard to war crimes, several analysts have criticised the
adverse political consequences of the arrest of Momcilo Krajisnik on
elections in the RS. The arrest is said to have radicalized the vote of
the populace. Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic [former leaders of the RS
during the war] remain at large, as do many others whose names are
included on open or closed arrest lists in the Hague. What are your
thoughts on this?
WOLFGANG PETRITSCH - First and foremost, any time is the right time to
apprehend someone suspected of war crimes. So I don't think we should
criticise the fact that Mr. Krajisnik was arrested a week before the
elections, because it is a very difficult task that SFOR [NATO forces in
Bosnia] have to carry out.
I am very grateful for the action that Sfor is taking, because it's an
important contribution to the peace process. There will be no
reconciliation in Bosnia-Herzegovina until each and every known and named
war criminal has been taken before the tribunal at the Hague. We cannot
underestimate this aspect, it is also very important for the population,
to see that justice is being served some years after the end of the war.
The three local communities, especially the Serbs, but also the Croats and
Bosnians [Muslims], must understand that delivering war criminals to
justice constitutes a step toward removing the collective blame from their
peoples. And that is important in the process of reconciliation.
Against the ethnic States
PÚBLICO- That brings us to the question of Kosovo. Are you of the
opinion that the possibility of independence for Kosovo could have
repercussions on the internal situation in Bosnia, serving as a pretext
for the Serbian nationalists and Bosnian Croats to establish separate
States?
WOLFGANG PETRITSCH - It is important to recognize, for the entire Balkan
region, that there cannot be any States or provinces organized along
ethnic lines. We need the principle of civil society to be adopted by the
entire region, because even after the ethnic cleansing, the Balkans are
still a multi-ethnic region.
And we can only guarantee peace when this is acknowledged by all of the
Balkan peoples, including the Kosovo Albanians. If they want to become a
part of modern Europe, they need to invite the Serbs, the Gypsies, and
other minorities, back into Kosovo. The same principle applies to Bosnia
and Herzegovina - in some ways the only multi-ethnic State remaining in
the Balkans. We have to convince the three communities that they must
become, first and foremost, citizens of the State of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Every city in the world is multi-ethnic, it's a fact driven by
globalization: no society can survive and prosper without being
multi-ethnic. Why not embrace this principle? Multi-ethnicity is not
Bosnia's problem, it's the solution. A modern human being has more than
one identity. I am sure that the majority of people who intend to return
home to their original regions can return, and we can impose at least part
of the multi-ethnicity. We have to be realistic and pragmatic.
PÚBLICO - Are there still major differences of opinion in the EU
regarding Bosnia and Kosovo?
WOLFGANG PETRITSCH - You're right, there are, but only considering the
initial phase of conflict in the former Yugoslavia. The EU and the
European nations were not united during the disintegration of that
country, but I believe that we, Europeans, have learned a lesson in the
Balkans: the need for European integration. It was, I believe, a very
hard reality check in the process of European integration. We Europeans
have learned the need to be united and to have a unified political front.
When I was sent by the EU to Kosovo I can say that Europe's position
regarding the former Yugoslavia improved in consensus, and the EU learned
to work together on many practical issues during its efforts in the
Balkans. It taught us a practical lesson about the importance of
integration and about having a unified stance.
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